Last week, I was struggling to find a formal connection
between Thoreau’s writings and the legal framework of adverse possession. I
realize now that, like always, I have glossed over groundwork in favor of
contemplating the abstract. Instead of trying to find instances where Thoreau either
makes use of or responds to the legal abstractions of adverse possession that
establishes and enforces a particular relation to land, I thought I might start
with something simpler and more elemental: Thoreau’s “place-sense.”
On the one hand, Thoreau gathered a huge amount of material about
the places he encountered—about Concord in particular. This material included
botanical and meteorological details, various historical anecdotes, thousands
of his own personal encounters with human and non-human inhabitants, technical
descriptions about a particular trade—the list goes on. Thoreau clearly finds
that a description of a place can always be thicker and that one ought to
thicken one’s description continuously. On the other hand, Lawrence Buell
points out that the more Thoreau adds to his vast material archive of a place, the
more a place “fissures” into its constituent parts and the more keenly aware
the reader is of just how incomplete Thoreau’s description of a place really is
(Buell 258).
However, Thoreau is not simply recording descriptions of a
place. He’s also plotting those descriptions on a map. Thoreau was a surveyor
favored by the government of Concord, which hired him to survey and demarcate
parcels of land around the town. Through surveying, Thoreau coordinates the
constituent parts of his material archive of Concord and imposes “straight
lines and mathematical formulae” upon irregularities that crop up in his thick
descriptions of place. At Walden Pond, for example, Thoreau marks off and
subdivides the landscape into a legible map (Chura 12). I argue that Thoreau
uses surveying to manage the clumsiness of his place descriptions and to
connect them to more abstract frameworks. Thoreau’s writing operates from
within a subject position between one that merely registers the sense-data of
Thoreau’s encounters with Nature and one that constantly abstracts those
encounters into the moral realm of the divine, an abstraction crucial to the
Transcendental project.
This liminal position places Thoreau in a particular
relation to processes whereby a place becomes abstracted into a space that can
be read and inscribed. On the one hand, Thoreau contests the territorialization
of traditional property law and the reorientation of the landscape by railroad commercial
infrastruction; but on the other, as a surveyor, Thoreau is complicit in—indeed,
an essential part of—exactly the forms of civilized encroachment and
environmental defacement he denounces. But, Thoreau isn’t your average
surveyor, a mere appendage of the state in its endless westward expansion.
Surveyors typically do not build vast material archives of the places they
survey. Thoreau’s place-sense complicates our understanding of Thoreau as a
surveyor complicit in American expansion of property rights and westward
colonization.
Thoreau’s surveying abstracts place into space in such a way
that reconciles the clumsy incompletion of his place-sense and resists the spatial
violence of land abstraction and territorialization. Thoreau is a
squatter-surveyor, relying on the legal framework of adverse possession to
occupy and improve the land on which he squats. As a squatter-surveyor, Thoreau
challenges the traditional adversarial position between the landowner and the
squatter by complicating the role of surveyor as an agent of the landowner and
the position of the squatter as a marginal actor who must rely on continual
improvement of the land on which he squats to maintain his rights.
In order to push my understanding of Thoreau as a
squatter-surveyor, I might look to Latour’s work on networks. How can I read
Thoreau’s archive of place descriptions as part of a network with the maps and
charts of his surveying work? If a network “helps you redistribute and
reallocate action” through ecological movement between its disparate attributes
and its self-containment, then how might I construct a network of various
interlocking and interdependent legal and spatial frameworks that situate
Thoreau’s surveying and squatting? This network of legal and spatial frameworks
would continually refer back to unstable processes whereby a place becomes a
space on which law can be formed and then later applied consistently over a
variegated, geographical network of places. Thoreau’s surveying and squatting challenge
place-to-space abstractions on which legal frameworks are based and recoordinate
the relationship between surveying and squatting to produce a different sort of
abstraction. The network of frameworks Thoreau operates within redistribute and
reallocate the actions of squatting and surveying to produce a new and
contestatory landscape.
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